President Pezeshkian’s Truth Bomb vs. Netanyahu’s War Machine

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By Qamar Bashir

In a world suffocated by strategic deception and media filters, one conversation pierced through the fog. In a bold 28-minute interview with Tucker Carlson, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian delivered a message so clear, calm, and compelling that it shattered decades of crafted misperception about Iran’s foreign policy, nuclear ambition, and regional posture. In doing so, Pezeshkian positioned himself as the face of reason — while exposing the reckless belligerence of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, whose war-mongering agenda has long dictated U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East.

Pezeshkian began with humility and conviction: “We did not start this war and we do not want this war to continue in any way.” His words echoed the constitutional stance of Iran’s post-revolution leadership — defensive, not expansionist; committed to sovereignty, not conquest. He emphasized that his administration is built on the twin pillars of “national unity inside the country” and “peace and friendship with neighboring countries and the rest of the world.”

This is not mere rhetoric. Pezeshkian substantiated this vision by recalling that Iran has “never invaded another country in 200 years.” At a time when regional militarism is disguised as security, this record is not only rare — it is disarming.

What, then, explains the decades of suspicion cast on Iran? Pezeshkian points squarely to Benjamin Netanyahu, who, since 1984, “has created this false mentality that Iran seeks a nuclear bomb,” embedding this narrative so deeply into the psyche of American leaders that even diplomacy itself became a threat to the status quo.

And yet, the president insisted: “We have never been after developing a nuclear bomb, not in the past, not presently, or in the future.” His reason was not strategic, but spiritual. “It is in contrast to the religious decree — the fatwa — issued by His Eminence, the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It is religiously forbidden for us to go after a nuclear bomb.”

This declaration alone upends the central justification for Israeli and American hostility. Iran’s nuclear program — routinely monitored by the IAEA — was never about weaponization. But it was Israel, Pezeshkian revealed, that sabotaged peace: “We were in the middle of talks with the United States… and Israel torpedoed the negotiating table.”

This act, far from being reactive, was strategic. Israel’s pre-emptive strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities was based not on verified intelligence, but a desire to kill diplomacy in its crib. “Unlawful attacks against our nuclear centers,” Pezeshkian said, “severely damaged our equipment. We can’t even verify what remains.” The IAEA, instead of condemning this violation of international law, issued a report that further inflamed tensions — and emboldened Tel Aviv.

Pezeshkian’s outrage was rooted in justice, not vengeance. When asked whether Iran would retaliate through proxy terror or sleeper cells, he responded with dignified defiance: “Have you ever seen an Iranian killing an American? Has any Iranian ever committed terrorism on your soil?” The answer, of course, is no. He clarified: “We don’t believe in sleeper cells. We don’t need them. We defend ourselves through diplomacy, and when forced, directly with our own hands.”

This moral clarity extended to the often-misunderstood chant of “Death to America.” The president dismantled its literal interpretation: “It doesn’t mean death to American people or officials. It means death to crimes, bullying, and atrocities.” In other words, it is a political condemnation — not a genocidal threat.

But even as Pezeshkian appealed for understanding, he drew a hard line: “If war is imposed on Iran, we will defend ourselves to the last drop of blood.” Yet again, this is defense, not aggression. “We put our trust in God and in the resilience of our people. We don’t need help from anyone — not Russia, not China. Iran will stand alone if it must.”

Contrast this with Netanyahu’s doctrine: forever war, regional hegemony, and a theologically-rooted belief in Israel’s divine entitlement to land and dominance. Netanyahu, Pezeshkian implied, has long used deception — whether about Iran’s nuclear program, sleeper cells, or fabricated assassination attempts — to manipulate American sentiment and force Washington into conflicts that serve Israeli, not American, interests.

The consequences have been catastrophic — not only for Palestinians and Iranians, but for the very fabric of international law and order. Pezeshkian recounted the assassination of Iranian scientists, the murder of off-duty commanders, and the slaughter of children and pregnant women in Israeli airstrikes. “Just to kill one person, they demolish an entire building,” he said. “And they call this security?”

Even more chilling was the attempted assassination of Pezeshkian himself. “Yes, they tried. But I’m not afraid to sacrifice my life for my country.” The irony? This act of terrorism — reportedly foiled by Iranian intelligence — was meant to prevent the very peace talks that could have stabilized the region.

Yet despite everything, Pezeshkian extended a remarkable offer: “We see no problem in re-entering negotiations with the United States.” He went further: “There is no limitation for U.S. investors to come to Iran — even now.” This invitation stands even as American sanctions, not Iranian policy, prevent such engagement.

And so, we arrive at the defining choice: Two narratives now confront the conscience of the international community.

One is Netanyahu’s — driven by a supremacist ideology, a fabricated threat matrix, and a relentless drive toward regional domination. It is a doctrine of perpetual war, waged under the pretext of self-defense, while enacting wholesale slaughter in Gaza and the West Bank. Netanyahu has turned entire neighborhoods into rubble, hospitals into graves, and innocent civilians — including women and children — into nameless casualties of military “precision.” This isn’t security. It’s a slow-motion holocaust, unfolding with impunity.

The other narrative is Iran’s — a nation invoking religious fatwas against nuclear weapons, calling for diplomacy, and rejecting the logic of proxy terrorism and sleeper cells. Its leaders, from the Supreme Leader to the newly elected President Pezeshkian, argue not for conquest, but for sovereignty. Not for dominance, but dignity. Not for retaliation, but restraint. And yet, it is this very nation that remains under siege — economically, politically, and militarily.

Former French Prime Minister Dominique de Villepin once warned that “if peace is not restored in the Middle East, Europe and the United States will be held hostage by extremism.” That warning has come full circle.

But the ultimate irony — and tragedy — lies in the words of President Donald Trump himself, who in his campaign and inaugural promise declared that his would be a “government of common sense.” A government that would reject endless wars. That would put America First — not Tel Aviv first. That would protect innocent lives, not shield aggressors behind vetoes at the United Nations. That would respond not to genocidal allies, but to the cries of children dying beneath collapsed buildings in Gaza and Rafah.

Common sense dictates that when a nation turns refugee camps into graveyards, when it hunts down civilians with drones, when it assassinates scientists in their homes and bombs residential towers to kill one man — that nation is not defending itself. It is dismantling the very moral fabric of global civilization.

And if America continues to partner with that behavior — if it continues to treat Netanyahu as a statesman instead of a war criminal — then the United States is not just complicit. It is corrupted.

It is time for the American public, lawmakers, and leaders to make a choice grounded in facts — not fear; in law — not lobbying; in morality — not military-industrial deals. The truth is now on the table. Netanyahu’s war has been exposed. Pezeshkian’s peace has been declared. The next move belongs to Washington.

By Qamar Bashir

 Press Secretary to the President (Rtd)

 Former Press Minister, Embassy of Pakistan to France

 Former MD, SRBC | Macomb, Michigan, USA